** Messiah complex

Messiah complex

worldmag.com

Critics accuse Barack Obama of presenting himself as some kind of Messiah (see “Hurry Up and Wait,” WORLD, March 22/29, 2008).

His speech upon clinching the Democratic nomination claimed for the event a cosmic significance that future generations would look back upon: “This was the moment,” he said, “when the rise of the oceans began to slow and our planet began to heal.” His campaign slogans exhort us to “Believe.” One of his posters gives biblical concepts a new object: “Faith. Hope. Change. Barack Obama for President.”

But Obama’s messianic image is more than just over-the-top political rhetoric. Many Americans are actually giving him religious veneration. Some are even hailing him as savior.

Conservative Catholic blogger Christopher Blosser started an entire website, Is Barack Obama the Messiah? (obamamessiah.blogspot.com), to track the spiritual devotion to the presidential nominee.

The site shows how media photographs portrays the candidate bathed in heavenly light or adorned with halos. More telling are the testimonies of Obama’s disciples.

Says U.S. Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., D-Ill., the son of the civil-rights activist, of Obama’s pending nomination: “The event itself is so extraordinary that another chapter could be added to the Bible to chronicle its significance.” Movie director Spike Lee goes further. After the presidential election, “You’ll have to measure time by ‘Before Obama’ and ‘After Obama.’” Lee added, “Everything’s going to be affected by this seismic change in the universe.”

“A black man with a white mother became a savior to us,” proclaimed Louis Farrakhan of the Nation of Islam. He “could turn out to be one who can lift America from her fall.”

Established journalists have embraced the new religion. “Barack Obama isn’t really one of us,” reports Mark Mortford of the San Francisco Chronicle.

He is, in fact, “a Lightworker, that rare kind of attuned being who has the ability to lead us not merely to new foreign policies or health care plans or whatnot, but who can actually help usher in a new way of being on the planet, of relating and connecting and engaging with this bizarre earthly experiment. These kinds of people actually help us evolve.”

At Obama rallies, such is the religious fervor that people often pass out, like being slain in the spirit at a Pentecostal revival.

Democrats have been warning against the danger of mixing religion and politics. They fear the influence of conservative Christians on a secular state.

But influence and mixing is far less of a danger to a free republic than the union of religion and politics in the form of a divinized ruler.

Human beings have a tendency to revert to that kind of ruler, as we see in the god-kings of ancient Egypt, the divine emperors of Rome, the divine-right absolute monarchies of early modern Europe, and the cult of the Leader in today’s totalitarian states.

The real Messiah, though, was despised, rejected, and crucified. He gives salvation from sin, death, and the devil and opens the way to the kingdom of heaven. And He allows for no other Messiahs. http://www.worldmag.com/articles/14287

Ed Veith at gveith@worldmag.com.

** Vastu : Sacred Architecture

Vastu : Sacred Architecture

Swami B. G. Narasingha

Clarion Call Magazine

With the passing of the ages empires are created and destroyed, new cultures appear and then again fade, like changing seasons into the shadows of eternity. Vanishing into oblivion, all that remains of those that were once great and powerful in this world are but a handful of relics. Time, the destroyer of all things, vanquishes even the most invincible empires leaving behind their remnants to be marveled at by future civilizations. And marvel we do at the wonders of the past, especially the architectural wonders. Be it the pyramids of Egypt, the cathedrals of Rome, the Parthenon of Athens, the Forbidden City in Beijing, or Stonehenge, our mind is at once awed by the beauty and grandeur of ancient architecture.

Until recent years modern society has viewed much of the world’s ancient architecture and art as “simply decorative” or, in a general sense, as a tribute to God; not that it might have any “practical” function in helping us to understand tha nature of the world we live in. However, recent studies in the field of sacred architecture (Vastu Shastra) by men like Keith Critchlow of the Royal College of Art in London have uncovered hidden dimensions revealing a far-reaching connection between architecture and the nature of existence. Critchlow, perhaps the best-known advocate of the theory of sacred architecture, believes that basic architectural principles on the physical level are integral with structure on the metaphysical level

Yali, Protector of the Temple 

Most sacred architects maintain that the ultimate reality exists beyond the mundane plane of temporary forms. As such, that higher reality, infinite in nature, can make itself known to the finite living entities, in the world here below. It does so through revealed forms which, while seemingly limited and temporary, provide a bridge between the finite and the infinite.

Some regard the ideal forms of sacred Vastu architecture as metaphors while others prefer to see them as fixed, eternal truths. In any case it is a fact that sacred architectural forms (as presented in the Vastu Shastra) have the ability to uplift the human consciousness from the mundane reality to the supernatural.

William Irwin Thompson of the Lindisfarne Mountain Retreat in Colorado says about his chapel, “Anyone entering our chapel-no matter what their religion-would feel the sacred calling of the place and wish to sit in silence.” Architect Michael Baron reports that people sometimes cry the first time they enter the Lindisfarne Chapel. He explains, “They find it touches something very familiar inside them. Others don’t say a word; they sense the sacredness of the place. They may not be sure what’s going on, but they are affected by it.”

Throughout the world it’s hard to find a place where sacred architecture is as developed a science as is that found in India. India’s ancient temples and palaces are certainly among the finest ever built. From the Taj Mahal, the seventh wonder of the world, to the Pagodas of Tamil Nadu, from the Himalayan hill shrines to the great temple at Jagannatha Puri, India is a veritable treasure-house of sacred architecture. In fact there are more existing examples of sacred architecture in India than in all other countries of the world combined. Vastu Sastra

The knowledge of sacred architecture in India has existed in the oral tradition since before the Vedic Age, some five thousand years ago. From the oral tradition it was later recorded in the Sanskrit mantras and compiled under the title Vastu Shastra. According to Indian authorities the Vastu Shastra is possibly the oldest known architectural treatise in the world today.

The word shastra means literature or more accurately “enlightened literature.” The word vastu, meaning the manifest, comes from the word vustu, meaning the unmanifest. The philosophical purport of the words vustu and vastu form the basic concepts of India’s sacred architecture and are among the first lessons taught to the students of Vastu Shastra. That which is manifest in this world, vastu, it is said, is originally existing on the plane of the transcendental or unmanifest, vustu.

To instruct the beginning students of the Vastu Shastraabout the meanings of vustu and vastu, the unmanifest and the manifest realities, the example is used of the moon and its reflection in water. “The moon is present in the sky, but when rising above a lake it becomes visible or manifest in the water. In the same way the origin of all things exists first in the eternal reality and then becomes manifest here below in the world of gross sensual objects.” This simple analogy demonstrates the nature of vustu, that which exists eternally, and vastu, that which is temporarily manifest.

The students of the Vastu Shastra thus perceive existence in terms of two dimensions: first the infinite spiritual realm and second the finite accommodating space for insentient material objects. This concept of a superior plane of existence, where the original form of things exist eternally, is the basis of India’s sacred architecture.

While researching sacred architecture we talked with Ganapati Sthapati, the Senior Architect at the Government College of Architecture and Sculpture in Mahabalipuram, South India. Sthapati informed us that the science of the Vastu Shastra is traceable to at least the year 3000 B.C., if not before. The earliest known master of the Vastu Shastra was Maya Danava, recognized as the founder of the tradition of India’s sacred architecture. Sthapati, who holds the esteemed title Brahma Sri, awarded to him by the government of India for his achievements in the field of architecture, further assured us that the science of Vastu Shastra is a living tradition in India and is in no danger of becoming extinct.

We visited several classrooms at the college where students are taught the variety of skills and techniques necessary in the science of sacred architecture. Beginning with concept and design, the students are taught each and every aspect of sacred architecture: geometry, drafting, stone sculpture, bronze casting, wood carving, painting, etc. All the textbooks and reference materials are written in Sanskrit, which every student is required to learn.Those students who excel in all phases of sacred architecture will graduate with a degree in architectue and receive the title Sthapati. Those students specializing in a particular department of sacred architecture like sculpture or painting become certified as Master Artisans. After earning a degree graduating students will have the opportunity to apply their designing skills in building temples and other facilities requiring knowledge of the Vastu Shastra.Of all types of structures in the field of sacred architecture, the building of a temple requires the utmost degree of knowledge and training. Those building a house, a school or even an office building take into consideration the basic knowledge of sacred architecture for successful execution; but the temple, being the very abode of divinity, requires the greatest skills and is the most painstaking in its execution. In the development of a temple project all phases of construction from beginning to end are thought out and executed according to the direction of the Vastu Shastra.First of all it is necessary to select a suitable place where the temple should be built. The suitable choices are mentioned in the Vastu Sastra: “The best location to build a temple is at a tirtha (holy place).” “A tirtha,” says Ganapati Sthapati, “is a ford or crossing place from this world to the above-a point of marriage between transcendence and the mundane. A tirtha provides a crossing place for the upward journey of the soul and a place for the downward crossing-for the crossing of higher entities who sometimes descend to this world for the good of mankind.”

If construction of the temple at a tirtha is not possible then another appropriate location should be found. The vastu shastra then says, “The temple of Godhead should be situated in a beautiful place where rivers flow, on the banks of a lake or by the seashore; on hill tops, mountain slopes, or in a hidden valley. The site of the temple may be selected in a forest, a grove, or in a beautiful garden. Temples should also be built in villages, towns and cities or on an island, surrounded by water.”Next a construction plan is required and here begins the highly technical aspect of sacred architecture-to bring about the descent or manifestation of the unmanifest and unseen. Ganapati Sthapati explained this process to us in great detail. “The architect or Sthapati begins by drafting a square. The square is literally the fundamental form of sacred architecture in India. It is considered the essential and perfect form. It presupposes the circle and results from it. Expanding energy shapes the circle from the center; it is established in the shape of the square. The circle and curve belong to life in its growth and movement. The square is the mark of order, the finality to the expanding life, life’s form and the perfection beyond life and death. From the square all requisite forms can be derived: the triangle, hexagon, octagon, circle etc. The architect calls this square the vastu-purusha-mandala—vastu the manifest, purusha the Cosmic Being, and mandala, in this case, the polygon.

“When completed the vastu-purusha-mandala will represent the manifest form of the Cosmic Being; upon which the temple is built and in whom the temple rests. The temple is situated in Him, comes from Him, and is a manifestation of Him. The vastu-purusha-mandala is a mystical diagram. It is both the body of the Cosmic Being and a bodily device by which those who have the requisite knowledge attain the best results in temple building.”  Vastu Sastra top

The conception of the “Cosmic Being” as a person has held a prominent place in Indian theistic thought since time immemorial. We were shown an interesting quotation in the ancient Sanskrit literature that illustrates the personal features of the Cosmic Being. “The planetary systems in space from the highest down to the lowest represent the head, neck, chest, thighs, legs and feet, respectively, of the Great Universal Being. His arms are the divine entities headed by Indra, the ten directional sides are His ears, and physical sound is His sense of hearing. His mouth is blazing fire. The sphere of outer space constitutes His eye sockets and the eyeball is the sun as the power of seeing. The rivers are His veins, the trees are the hair of His body and the omnipotent air is His breath. The passing ages are His movements.”[1] The perception of the Cosmic Being is considered to be the preliminary stage of self-realization and thereby a qualified form of pantheism.which gradually leads one to understand the personal feature of the transcendent Godhead.

The concept of spirituality in the system of sacred architecture in India is something that goes beyond the mere static relations between inert objects and space as found in other architectural traditions. The relationship of objects with one another and space in India’s sacred architecture extends to include higher entities said to be in charge of various aspects of universal affairs, all of whom carry out their work in accordance with the will of God.

In order to establish the vastu-purusha-mandala on the construction site, it is first drafted on planning sheets and later drawn upon the earth at the actual building site. The knowledge of its meaning and execution is the first discipline which the architect must master and it requires in-depth understanding of astrology. The drawing of the mandala upon the earth at the commencement of construction is a sacred rite in itself. The rites and execution of the vastu-purusha-mandala, for which a priest will also be summoned later on, are not accessory nor are they a mere accompaniment to the temple. They sustain the temple in their own sphere of effectiveness to the same extent that the actual foundation supports its weight.

Based on astrological calculations the border of the vastu-purusha-mandala is subdivided into thirty-two smaller squares called nakshatras. These nakshatras correspond to the constellations or lunar mansions through which the moon passes in its monthly course. The number thirty-two geometrically results from a repeated division of the border of the single square. It denotes four times the eight positions in space: north, east, south, west, and their intermediate points. The closed polygon of thirty-two squares is now symbolical of the recurrent cycles of time as calculated by the movements of the moon. Each of the nakshatras is ruled over by a divine entity, called a deva, which extends its influence to the mandala. Outside the mandala lie the four directions, symbolic of the meeting of heaven and earth and which also represent the ecliptic of the sun-east to west and its rotation to the northern and southern hemispheres..

If construction of the temple at a tirtha is not possible then another appropriate location should be found. The vastu shastra then says, “The temple of Godhead should be situated in a beautiful place where rivers flow, on the banks of a lake or by the seashore; on hill tops, mountain slopes, or in a hidden valley. The site of the temple may be selected in a forest, a grove, or in a beautiful garden. Temples should also be built in villages, towns and cities or on an island, surrounded by water.”

Next a construction plan is required and here begins the highly technical aspect of sacred architecture-to bring about the descent or manifestation of the unmanifest and unseen. Ganapati Sthapati explained this process to us in great detail. “The architect or Sthapati begins by drafting a square. The square is literally the fundamental form of sacred architecture in India. It is considered the essential and perfect form. It presupposes the circle and results from it. Expanding energy shapes the circle from the center; it is established in the shape of the square. The circle and curve belong to life in its growth and movement. The square is the mark of order, the finality to the expanding life, life’s form and the perfection beyond life and death. From the square all requisite forms can be derived: the triangle, hexagon, octagon, circle etc. The architect calls this square the vastu-purusha-mandala—vastu the manifest, purusha the Cosmic Being, and mandala, in this case, the polygon.

“When completed the vastu-purusha-mandala will represent the manifest form of the Cosmic Being; upon which the temple is built and in whom the temple rests. The temple is situated in Him, comes from Him, and is a manifestation of Him. The vastu-purusha-mandala is a mystical diagram. It is both the body of the Cosmic Being and a bodily device by which those who have the requisite knowledge attain the best results in temple building.”  Vastu Sastra top

The conception of the “Cosmic Being” as a person has held a prominent place in Indian theistic thought since time immemorial. We were shown an interesting quotation in the ancient Sanskrit literature that illustrates the personal features of the Cosmic Being. “The planetary systems in space from the highest down to the lowest represent the head, neck, chest, thighs, legs and feet, respectively, of the Great Universal Being. His arms are the divine entities headed by Indra, the ten directional sides are His ears, and physical sound is His sense of hearing. His mouth is blazing fire. The sphere of outer space constitutes His eye sockets and the eyeball is the sun as the power of seeing. The rivers are His veins, the trees are the hair of His body and the omnipotent air is His breath. The passing ages are His movements.”[1] The perception of the Cosmic Being is considered to be the preliminary stage of self-realization and thereby a qualified form of pantheism.which gradually leads one to understand the personal feature of the transcendent Godhead.

The concept of spirituality in the system of sacred architecture in India is something that goes beyond the mere static relations between inert objects and space as found in other architectural traditions. The relationship of objects with one another and space in India’s sacred architecture extends to include higher entities said to be in charge of various aspects of universal affairs, all of whom carry out their work in accordance with the will of God.

In order to establish the vastu-purusha-mandala on the construction site, it is first drafted on planning sheets and later drawn upon the earth at the actual building site. The knowledge of its meaning and execution is the first discipline which the architect must master and it requires in-depth understanding of astrology. The drawing of the mandala upon the earth at the commencement of construction is a sacred rite in itself. The rites and execution of the vastu-purusha-mandala, for which a priest will also be summoned later on, are not accessory nor are they a mere accompaniment to the temple. They sustain the temple in their own sphere of effectiveness to the same extent that the actual foundation supports its weight.

Based on astrological calculations the border of the vastu-purusha-mandala is subdivided into thirty-two smaller squares called nakshatras. These nakshatras correspond to the constellations or lunar mansions through which the moon passes in its monthly course. The number thirty-two geometrically results from a repeated division of the border of the single square. It denotes four times the eight positions in space: north, east, south, west, and their intermediate points. The closed polygon of thirty-two squares is now symbolical of the recurrent cycles of time as calculated by the movements of the moon. Each of the nakshatras is ruled over by a divine entity, called a deva, which extends its influence to the mandala. Outside the mandala lie the four directions, symbolic of the meeting of heaven and earth and which also represent the ecliptic of the sun-east to west and its rotation to the northern and southern hemispheres..

If construction of the temple at a tirtha is not possible then another appropriate location should be found. The vastu shastra then says, “The temple of Godhead should be situated in a beautiful place where rivers flow, on the banks of a lake or by the seashore; on hill tops, mountain slopes, or in a hidden valley. The site of the temple may be selected in a forest, a grove, or in a beautiful garden. Temples should also be built in villages, towns and cities or on an island, surrounded by water.”

Next a construction plan is required and here begins the highly technical aspect of sacred architecture-to bring about the descent or manifestation of the unmanifest and unseen. Ganapati Sthapati explained this process to us in great detail. “The architect or Sthapati begins by drafting a square. The square is literally the fundamental form of sacred architecture in India. It is considered the essential and perfect form. It presupposes the circle and results from it. Expanding energy shapes the circle from the center; it is established in the shape of the square. The circle and curve belong to life in its growth and movement. The square is the mark of order, the finality to the expanding life, life’s form and the perfection beyond life and death. From the square all requisite forms can be derived: the triangle, hexagon, octagon, circle etc. The architect calls this square the vastu-purusha-mandala—vastu the manifest, purusha the Cosmic Being, and mandala, in this case, the polygon.

“When completed the vastu-purusha-mandala will represent the manifest form of the Cosmic Being; upon which the temple is built and in whom the temple rests. The temple is situated in Him, comes from Him, and is a manifestation of Him. The vastu-purusha-mandala is a mystical diagram. It is both the body of the Cosmic Being and a bodily device by which those who have the requisite knowledge attain the best results in temple building.”  Vastu Sastra top

The conception of the “Cosmic Being” as a person has held a prominent place in Indian theistic thought since time immemorial. We were shown an interesting quotation in the ancient Sanskrit literature that illustrates the personal features of the Cosmic Being. “The planetary systems in space from the highest down to the lowest represent the head, neck, chest, thighs, legs and feet, respectively, of the Great Universal Being. His arms are the divine entities headed by Indra, the ten directional sides are His ears, and physical sound is His sense of hearing. His mouth is blazing fire. The sphere of outer space constitutes His eye sockets and the eyeball is the sun as the power of seeing. The rivers are His veins, the trees are the hair of His body and the omnipotent air is His breath. The passing ages are His movements.”[1] The perception of the Cosmic Being is considered to be the preliminary stage of self-realization and thereby a qualified form of pantheism.which gradually leads one to understand the personal feature of the transcendent Godhead.

The concept of spirituality in the system of sacred architecture in India is something that goes beyond the mere static relations between inert objects and space as found in other architectural traditions. The relationship of objects with one another and space in India’s sacred architecture extends to include higher entities said to be in charge of various aspects of universal affairs, all of whom carry out their work in accordance with the will of God.

In order to establish the vastu-purusha-mandala on the construction site, it is first drafted on planning sheets and later drawn upon the earth at the actual building site. The knowledge of its meaning and execution is the first discipline which the architect must master and it requires in-depth understanding of astrology. The drawing of the mandala upon the earth at the commencement of construction is a sacred rite in itself. The rites and execution of the vastu-purusha-mandala, for which a priest will also be summoned later on, are not accessory nor are they a mere accompaniment to the temple. They sustain the temple in their own sphere of effectiveness to the same extent that the actual foundation supports its weight.

Based on astrological calculations the border of the vastu-purusha-mandala is subdivided into thirty-two smaller squares called nakshatras. These nakshatras correspond to the constellations or lunar mansions through which the moon passes in its monthly course. The number thirty-two geometrically results from a repeated division of the border of the single square. It denotes four times the eight positions in space: north, east, south, west, and their intermediate points. The closed polygon of thirty-two squares is now symbolical of the recurrent cycles of time as calculated by the movements of the moon. Each of the nakshatras is ruled over by a divine entity, called a deva, which extends its influence to the mandala. Outside the mandala lie the four directions, symbolic of the meeting of heaven and earth and which also represent the ecliptic of the sun-east to west and its rotation to the northern and southern hemispheres..

 

The center of the mandala is called the station of Brahma, the first of beings and the engineer of universal order. Surrounding Brahma are the places of twelve other entities known as the sons of Aditi, who assist in the affairs of universal management. The remaining empty squares represent the akasha or pure space. The vastu-purusha-mandala is now complete,forming a sort of map or diagram of astrological influences that constitute the order of the universe and the destinies of human lives. When placed on the building site the vastu-purusha-mandala determines the time for beginning construction. Only by the combination of the vastu-purusha-mandala and astrological calculations can this factor be ascertained.

The temple itself should always face east as that is considered the most auspicious direction-the place of origin of the sun. From the east appears the rising sun, the destroyer of darkness. The sun is the giver of life. It brings joy and happiness and is the watchful eye of the “Cosmic Being.” The vastu shastra states that a building with improper proportions and wrong orientation will create an environment which is conducive to disturbances like disease, death and destruction, and may be inhabited by subtle entities with envious and deceitful natures.

As we learned more and more about the science of sacred architecture, it became apparent that the construction of a domestic building or of a temple is something like the birth of a human being-who according to the time and place of his birth will come under certain astrological influences throughout life. The time of construction, the place and position of a structure are all important factors for the future of the building. Therefore, according to the vastu shastra, all structures should be erected according to auspicious astrological calculations to assure successful execution, longevity, and lasting prosperity.

From the diagram of the vastu-purusha-mandala the architect next proceeds to develop the vertical and horizontal dimensions of the temple. Here too a wide range of factors must be taken into consideration. To guide the sacred architect of today a long and rich tradition of already existing temples and sacred buildings in India serves as a great inspiration to his work. The architect’s creative intelligence will be an all-important ingredient in the final design, while the mandala and the vastu shastra will continue to be the tools of his execution.

The size of the structure will determine the various kinds of building materials to be used at different stages of the construction. Building materials like stone, marble, brick, plaster, wood, etc., are selected for the main body of the temple, whereas elements like gold and silver will be used for final ornamentation. Only organic materials are used in sacred architecture. Manmade materials like simulated marble, plastic and asbestos are not acceptable building materials. The reason being that inorganic materials are not considered adequate conductors of cosmic energies.

The plotting graphs of the temple are divided into two main sections-the ground plan and the vertical alignment. The square, the rectangle, the octagon and the pentagon are fundamental patterns in the horizontal or ground plan. In the vertical alignment the pyramid, the circle and the curve are most prominent. The subdivisions of the ground plan include the brahmasthana (the main shrine and smaller chapels) and the mandapam (balconies, assembly halls and auditoriums). The vertical plan consists of drawings for the gopuram (entrance ways), the vimana (the structure above the main shrine or chapel) and the prakara (the walls).

The brahmasthana is said to be the principal location in a temple since it is here that the seat of Godhead will eventually be placed. At the base of the foundation of the brahmasthana, located at the station of Brahma on the vastu-purusha-mandala, a ritual is performed called garbhadhana, the ritual which invites the soul of the temple to enter within the buildings confines. In this ritual a brahmin, priest, places a golden box in the earth during the ground-breaking ceremonies. The interior of the box is divided into smaller units exactly resembling the vastu-purusha-mandala. All the units of the gold box are first partially filled with dirt. In the thirty-two units representing the nakshatras (lunar mansions), the units of Brahma and the twelve sons of Aditi, the priest places an appropriate mantra in written form to invoke the presence of the corresponding divinity.

The Sanskrit mantras chanted by the priest are in no way less important than the mandala itself. The mandala having set up an archetypal diagram of universal order, the mantra infuses the mandala with spiritual powers. The mantras chanted by the priest are distinct from ordinary mundane sounds. Mantras, composed of “atomic” monosyllabic sounds derived from the Sanskrit alphabet, are said to be non-different from the very substance which they invoke. The mantras are the subtle form of the mandala and are inseparable from it. As the architect must have undergone extensive training in the field of sacred architecture and astrology to construct the mandala, similarly the brahmin who chants the mantras must also have requisite knowledge of the science of sacred sound vibrations.

In the unit of Brahma a golden serpent with many raised hoods is placed. The serpent form is then surrounded with nine precious jewels or navaratna. Ananta represents the energy which supports the very existence of the universe. The universe rests in space and that space is the energy of Godhead appearing as Ananta. The nine jewels- diamonds, emeralds, rubies, pearls, yellow sapphire, blue sapphire, red coral, cats-eye and jade-invoke the astrological influence of the nine planets.

A gold lid with the seven continents of the earth engraved on it is placed on top of the box. When this is done the priest then performs the ritual sacrifice or sanctification ceremony called agni-hotra, the fire sacrifice. During the agni-hotra the priest offers clarified butter, the symbol of religious principles, into the fire, which represents the mouth of the Cosmic Being. Along with the offering of clarified butter five types of grains-rice, wheat, barley, rye and dhal, all produced of the earth-are also offered in the fire. This too is performed with the chanting of mantras.

 Jagannatha Puri Temple

Once the garbhadhana and agni-hotra ceremonies are complete the actual construction of the temple takes place according to the previous preparations. When the foundation is finished the vertical structure is raised and the body of the Cosmic Being becomes visible to the naked eye. The external features of the temple are brought to life through finely sculpted figures and paintings. The art and sculpture frequently portray the forms of divine entities and the different stages of consciousness in the gradual evolution of life throughout the universe. This is no less exacting a science than that of the architect or of the brahmin priest. Muthai Sthapati, an instructor at the Goverment College Architecture, pointed out that it is often the work of the master artisan, through painting and sculpture, that most enables one to perceive the actual sacredness of the temple. 

The prakaras or walls that fortify the temple may vary in size and number according to the dimensions of the temple. Larger temples, like the one in Sri Rangam, are sometimes surrounded by up to seven concentric walls which represent the seven layers of matter-earth, water, fire, air, either, mind and intelligence-that cover the original consciousness of the living entities in the material world. The gopurams, or gateways through the prakaras, are symbolic of being liberated from the bondage of matter as one enters the temple and proceeds toward the central shrine.

Solid gold vimana above the Deity
at Shri Rangam Temple

The vimana or tower, also called the shikara, is raised to its final height above the sanctum as the last stones are put into place. Resembling a great mountain, the vimana is crowned with a golden spire called kailash, the heavenly abode. At the sides of the vimana are fixed the fierce faces of Yali, the protector of the temple. The temple is now ready for the ceremony known as pratistasthana, the installation of the deity. The scared altar in the brahmasthana, central shrine, is located directly above the gold box, placed in the earth during the garbhadhana ceremony. Here on the sacred altar representing the heart of the Cosmic Being, the deity of Godhead called the archa-vigraha, the manifest form of total divinity is installed. The mandala, the mantra, and above all the sincerity and faith of the participants combine together to invoke the appearance of Godhead. The universe is the manifestation of the divine form of Godhead in the world of mundane existence. The body of the temple is the representation of that cosmic form, whereas the archa-vigraha is the manifestation of the transcendental form of Godhead descending from beyond the mundane. The ceremony for installing the deity is performed with great pomp and upon its completion the temple is complete..

There are altogether forty-five basic varieties of temples mentioned in the vastu shastra. These too have their many variations and thus the styles of sacred temple architecture in India are as unlimited and diverse as the very nature of the infinite being they represent.

From the drawing table to the finished product of a gorgeous temple, sacred architecture in India is a science and a work of art. Moreover it is an attempt to raise the human consciousness to the stage of self-realization where one ultimately sees Godhead everywhere, in all things, and at all times.

References:
1. Keith Critchlow, Order in Space, Thimes and Hudson (1969).
2. Kramrisch, Stella, The Hindu Temple, Motilas Banarsidas, N. Delhi (1976)

Reprinted from Clarion Call Magazine by permission.

TEMPLES @ http://indiasecular.wordpress.com/2007/06/10/seven-spiritual-wonders-of-india/

 

URL: http://www.gosai.com/chaitanya/saranagati/html/vedic-age_fs.html

** Anti-Semitism/Brahminism

The Parallel between anti-Brahminism and anti-Semitism

Jacob De Roover

Social science debate in India has been hijacked by the struggle between secularism and Hindutva for decades now. Usually the Sangh Parivar is blamed for this turn of events. However, it could well be argued that the Hindutva ideologues simply adopted the stance of the secularists. Perhaps the best illustration is the case of anti-Brahminism.

To be against “Brahminism” is part and parcel of the political correctness of progressive scholars in twenty-first-century India, much like being against Muslims is part of the message of their Hindutva colleagues.

This indicates that something is very wrong with the Indian academic debate. Promotion of animosity towards a religious tradition or its followers is not acceptable today, but it becomes truly perverse when the intelligentsia endorses it.

In Europe, it took horrendous events to put an end to the propaganda of anti-Semitism, which had penetrated the media and intelligentsia. It required decades of incessant campaigning before anti-Semitism was relegated to the realm of intellectual and political bankruptcy.

In India, anti-Brahminism is still the proud slogan of many political parties and the credential of the radical intellectual.

Some may find this parallel between anti-Brahminism and anti-Semitism ill-advised. Nevertheless, it has strong grounds.

First, there are striking similarities between the stereotypes about Brahmins in India and those about Jews in the West. Jews have been described as devious connivers, who would do anything for personal gain. They were said to be secretive and untrustworthy, manipulating politics and the economy. In India, Brahmins are all too often characterised in the same way.

Second, the stereotypes about the Jews were part of a larger story about a historical conspiracy in which they had supposedly exploited European societies. To this day, the stories about a Jewish conspiracy against humanity prevail. The anti-Brahminical stories sound much the same, but have the Brahmins plotting against the oppressed classes in Indian society.

In both cases, historians have claimed to produce “evidence” that cannot be considered so by any standard. Typical of the ideologues of anti-Brahminism is the addition of ad hoc ploys whenever their stories are challenged by facts. When it is pointed out that the Brahmins have not been all that powerful in most parts of the country, or that they were poor in many regions, one reverts to the image of the Brahmin manipulating kings and politicians behind the scene. We cannot find empirical evidence, it is said, because of the secretive way in which Brahminism works.

Third, both in anti-Semitic Europe and anti-Brahminical India, this goes together with the interpretation of contemporary events in terms of these stories. One does not really analyse social tragedies and injustices, but approaches them as confirmations of the ideological stories. All that goes wrong in society is blamed on the minority in question. Violence against Muslims? It must be the “Brahmins” of the Sangh Parivar. Opposition against Christian missionaries and the approval of anti-conversion laws? “Ah, the Brahmins fear that Christianity will empower the lower castes.” Members of a scheduled caste are killed? “The Brahmin wants to show the Dalit his true place in the caste hierarchy.” An OBC member loses his job; a lower caste girl is raped? “The upper castes must be behind it.” So the story goes.

This leads to a fourth parallel: in both cases, resentment against the minority in question is systematically created and reinforced among the majority.

The Jews were accused of sucking all riches out of European societies. In the decades before the second World War, more and more people began to believe that it was time “to take back what was rightfully theirs.” In India also, movements have come into being that want to set right “the historical injustices of Brahminical oppression.” Some have even begun to call upon their followers to “exterminate the Brahmins.”

In Europe, state policies were implemented that expressed the discrimination against Jews. For a very long time, they could not hold certain jobs and participate in many social and economic activities. In India, one seems to be going this way with policies that claim to correct “the historical exploitation by the upper castes.” It is becoming increasingly difficult for Brahmins to get access to certain jobs. In both cases, these policies have been justified in terms of a flawed ideological story that passes for social science.

The fifth parallel is that both anti-Semitism and anti-Brahminism have deep roots in Christian theology. In the case of Judaism, its continuing vitality as a tradition was a threat to Christianity’s claim to be the fulfillment of the Jewish prophecies about the Messiah. The refusal of Jews to join the religion of Christ (the true Messiah, according to Christians) was seen as an unacceptable denial of the truth of Christianity. Saint Augustine even wrote that the Jews had to continue to exist, but only to show that Christians had not fabricated the prophesies about Christ and to confirm that some would not follow Christ and be damned for it.

The contemporary stereotypes about Brahmins and the story about Brahminism also originate in Christian theology. They reproduce Protestant images of the priests of false religion.

When European missionaries and merchants began to travel to India in great numbers, they held two certainties that came from Christian theology: false religion would exist in India; and false religion revolved around evil priests who had fabricated all kinds of laws, doctrines and rites in order to bully the innocent believers into submission. In this way, the priests of the devil abused religion for worldly goals.

The European story about Brahminism and the caste system simply reproduced this Protestant image of false religion. The colonials identified the Brahmins as the priests and Brahminism as the foundation of false religion in India. This is how the dominant image of “the Hindu religion” came into being.

The sixth parallel lies in the fact that Christian theology penetrated and shaped the “secular” discourse about Judaism and Brahminism. The theological criticism became part of common sense and was reproduced as scientific truth. In India, this continues unto this day. Social scientists still talk about “Brahminism” as the worst thing that ever happened to humanity.

Perhaps the most tragic similarity is that some members of the minority community have internalized these stories about themselves. Some Jews began to believe that they were to blame for what happened during the Holocaust; many educated Brahmins now feel that they are guilty of historical atrocities against other groups.

In some cases, this has led to a kind of identity crisis in which they vilify “Brahminism” in English-language academic debate, but continue their traditions. In other cases, the desire to “defend” these same traditions has inspired Brahmins to aggressively support Hindutva.

In twentieth-century Europe, we have seen how dangerous anti-Semitism was and what consequences it could have in society. Tragically, unimaginable suffering was needed before it was relegated to the realm of unacceptable positions.

In India, anti-Brahminism was adopted from Protestant missionaries by colonial scholars who then passed it on to the secularists and Dalit intellectuals.

The question that India has to raise in the twenty-first century is this: Do we need bloodshed, before we will realize that the reproduction of anti-Brahminism is as harmful as anti-Muslim propaganda? What is needed to realize that the Hindutva movement has simply taken its cue from the secularists? Do we need a new victory of fascism, before we will admit that pernicious ideologies should not be sold as social science?

http://pseudosecularism.blogspot.com/2008/07/parallel-between-anti-brahminism-and.html

** Italians and the Gypsies

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/world-focus-italians-and-the-gypsies-ndash-an-old-prejudice-revived-870863.html

Italians and the Gypsies – an old prejudice revived 

By Peter Popham-18 July 2008

The decision by Silvio Berlusconi’s government that all Italian citizens should now be fingerprinted, and that from 2010, all national identity and residence cards will carry fingerprints seems bizarre. There is no urgent reason for such an elaborate programme and fingerprints are out of date as an identification method.

 The real reason for the decision, which received initial assent from a parliamentary committee on Wednesday, is to enable the government to continue taking the fingerprints of Roma or Gypsies who live in camps, both legal and informal, on the outskirts of many Italian cities, a policy which bears comparison with the worst days of Benito Mussolini.

A month ago the Interior Minister, Roberto Maroni, a member of the anti-immigrant Northern League, announced that all residents of such camps, including children, would be fingerprinted – a decision that prompted outrage inside Italy and beyond. Unicef, the Council of Europe, the Catholic Church, and Amnesty International have condemned the initiative, one that, despite being a clear violation of EU law, is already under way in the Naples area. This week’s decision, which still has to be signed off by parliament, means that under cover of a national programme, the fingerprinting of the residents of the so called “nomad” camps can continue without interruption.

But why fingerprint the Gypsies? The most significant issue in the general election campaign this spring was what was called the “security emergency”: the perception by Italians that violent crime was rapidly on the increase, and that it was the fault of foreigners.

In fact crimes of violence are not soaring, but there has been a large rise in legal and illegal immigration in recent years. As in other parts of Europe this has been accompanied by a strong anti-immigrant groundswell which finds focus whenever a foreigner is accused of some heinous crime. Gypsies are not proportionately more to blame for these crimes than other groups.

But an ancient prejudice against Gypsies (who have lived in Italy since the 14th century) has been fuelled by paranoia about security in general, and a common confusion between rom (Roma) and rumeni (Romanians) who as EU citizens, have moved into Italy in large numbers since Romania’s accession to the union in 2007.

Mr Berlusconi’s government seems determined to exploit and amplify the hysteria. There is little to suggest that the government will desist from seeking to gratify its political constituency with further measures of this kind.

Europe’s Civilising Mission @ http://www.neurope.eu/articles/87642.php

Bottom of Heap:Gypsies @ http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?source=hptextfeature&story_id=11579339 

British Caste-System @ http://worldmonitor.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/militants-set-france-ablaze/

Targets of racial violence @ http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=245&page=41

** Europeans on Kashmir

http://www.hindu.com/2008/07/12/stories/2008071255451300.htm

European Parliament demands probe into charges in Kashmir

Praveen Swami

 Allegations of human rights abuses false, insist Indian officials  

 NEW DELHI: European Parliament members have called on India to investigate allegations that its troops may have executed thousands of innocent Jammu and Kashmir residents.

Passed unanimously on Thursday, a resolution calls on the government of India to urgently ensure independent and impartial investigations into all suspected sites of mass graves in the State and, as a first step, secure the sites in order to preserve evidence. 

Call to European Commission 

In language likely to offend Indian sensitivities, the resolution also calls on the European Commission to offer financial and technical assistance to the Indian government for such a thorough inquiry and possible further measures of conflict resolution in Kashmir.

Earlier in March 2008, the Association of the Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) reported the existence of 940 unidentified graves in 18 villages in Uri district. In addition, the APDP said, it found several similar graveyards elsewhere in the State.  

Army’s stand  

While the Army said the graves were of terrorists killed in the area which straddles the Line of Control and saw frequent fire contact between infiltrators and Indian forces, the APDP and human rights organisations said the graves could contain the bodies of people killed in fake encounters.

 “20,000 ultras killed” 

The Jammu and Kashmir police have denied the allegations. Over the last two decades, Director-General of Police Kuldeep Khoda told The Hindu, almost 20,000 terrorists had been killed in combat, both while crossing the LoC and inside the State. “I do not see how we can be expected to have definitive knowledge of all of them.”

In some cases, “we were able to make a positive identification; in others, we could not. Every death was recorded in a First Information Report, which recorded our best knowledge about the facts of the case at the outset, as well as photographs and case records.”

 Muddy facts 

Mr. Khoda’s position is disputed by the APDP and other rights groups but the facts they have laid on the table are also muddy.

For one, although the APDP has characterised the graves secrets discovered through its investigations, their existence has in fact long been public knowledge. 

Frontline report

In March 2003, for example, Frontline carried a detailed account of one such graveyard in Surankote, a town in Poonch district that was then one of the areas worst-hit by jihadist violence.

Describing the fallout of an Army offensive on the mountains around Surankote, Frontline recorded that the bodies of unidentified foreign terrorists killed there were buried in a field that sprawls over an area of an outsize football field and threatens to overrun adjoining farms.

Frontline earlier reported on a similar graveyard in its January 4, 2002 photo-feature on counter-terrorism operations in the remote Wadwan-Inshan belt of Doda district.

As things stand, it is far from clear just what facts the European Parliament wants Indian investigators to establish.

“Fake encounters” 

In a recent article, Angana Chatterjee of the International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir argued that exhumation and identification would establish the dead as locals, ordinary citizens, killed in fake encounters.

While exhumation might well prove that some of the dead were local residents, it is unclear how this will prove that the encounters were fake or, for that matter, genuine.

“Misrepresented” 

Ms. Chatterjee asserted that the State wilfully concealed the local identities of the dead, thus propagating a misrepresentation that the demand for self-determination is prevailingly [sic.] external.

On point of fact, while politicians have said most terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir are foreign mercenaries, this is not the Indian government’s official position.

Data released by the Union Home Ministry shows that only a quarter of the terrorists killed in the State have been presumed to be foreigners.

Claims rebutted 

Authorities earlier rebutted APDP claims of large-scale disappearances, arguing that many individuals on a list of 743 were either living at home or did not exist.

Related stories:

Backing Kashmiri Separatists @ http://worldmonitor.wordpress.com/2008/07/08/a-desperate-bid/ 

Exhortations to revive militancy @ http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/Opinions/Columns/10-Jun-2008/Exhortations-to-revive-militancy

Europe’s Civilising Mission @ http://www.neurope.eu/articles/87642.php 

Ethnic Cleansing in Kashmir @ http://www.kashmir-information.com/history/fundamentalism.html 

Bottom of Heap:Gypsies @ http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?source=hptextfeature&story_id=11579339

** BBC’s Propaganda?

BBC Reporter: Genuine Eyewitness or Palestinian Propagandist?

HonestReporting.com

Whose version of events does a BBC journalist stand by?

The BBC’s “From Our Own Correspondent” program broadcast on Radio 4 and published on BBC Online allows BBC journalists the opportunity to report their personal reflections from a particular event or location. Sometimes this removes the charade of objectivity that the BBC claims to uphold, most famously in the case of Barbara Plett’s tears for Arafat.

Now, the BBC’s Aleem Maqbool reports from Ramallah, where he includes this dramatic story:

One weekday last year, at about three in the afternoon, Israeli armoured jeeps moved into the centre of Ramallah, pulling up outside the most popular hummus cafe.

In full view of passers-by, including children on their way back from school, the troops dragged a man in his early 20s out of the cafe. He was a wanted militant. They shot him - first in the legs, then stomach, then his head.

Within minutes, the “Palestinian reflex” had kicked in. Schoolboys piled into the area to throw stones at the soldiers until they left. As we arrived, the troops fired back with live bullets, injuring four people, before the jeeps sped out of the city.

In the next paragraph Maqbool implies that he was an eyewitness to this incident, which is portrayed as an IDF “execution”:

Once the army had gone, I have to say, I was a little surprised to see grown Palestinian men standing by the side of the road, weeping and hugging, and teenagers who’d been throwing stones, breaking down.

Maqbool appears to be describing the death of Palestinian terrorist Omar Abdel-Halim. CAMERA, however, investigated media coverage of this incident and discovered countless contradictions between the accounts of so-called Palestinian “eyewitnesses”, Palestinian NGOs and media outlets, which could not even agree on the correct name of the terrorist.

While Maqbool claims that the man was dragged out of a cafe, Ha’aretz, The New York Times and AFP all reported that a firefight had broken out between Israeli forces and Palestinian gunmen. The Financial Times, meanwhile, reported that “witnesses said Halim was in civilian clothes, wore a holstered service weapon and was carrying an AK-47 as he left the Nazareth restaurant” in Ramallah. Was Halim “dragged” out of the restaurant as Maqbool claims?

Maqbool claims that “Israeli armoured jeeps” were present. The FT report, however, refers to “a white van bearing Palestinian number plates” from which Israeli troops exited.

According to the IDF:

The force identified Abed Al-Halim aiming his AK-47 assault rifle at them and opened fire at him. Abed Al-Halim attempted to flee the scene. Forces fired at him once more and identified hitting him. The soldiers ceased fire at the moment Abed Al-Halim no longer posed a threat to him. …

During the operation, shots were fired and stones were hurled at the Border Police force, which responded with warning shots and specific fire at an identified source of fire. The IDF has received no information regarding civilian injuries and no such claims were registered with the DCO.

Perhaps it is not clear exactly what occurred during this incident. What is clear from CAMERA’s investigation, however, is the patent unreliability of Palestinian eyewitnesses and sources along with the media’s apparent willingness to report conjecture as fact.

So, is the BBC’s Aleem Maqbool a genuine eyewitness to these events in Ramallah a year ago? And if so, which version of this contradictory story is he prepared to stick by? Or is he simply regurgitating the Palestinian version designed to cause maximum damage to Israel’s image in a minimum number of sentences?

Typical of the BBC’s reporting is the failure to provide adequate context to its stories or to verify unreliable sources. If the BBC is prepared to make such a serious allegation of an IDF “execution”, then the least its reporter can provide is hard facts and background material, which was severely lacking in this particular story.

Please write to BBC Complaints - http://www.bbc.co.uk/complaints - and ask if Aleem Maqbool can clarify his version of events that day in Ramallah. (Please remember to include the program “From Our Own Correspondent”, the story hyperlink and the appropriate date, 3 June 2008.)

(With thanks to CAMERA for its original investigation and assistance.)

BBC’S CHRONOLOGICAL INVERSION

Amnon Rosenberg, 51, was killed on 5 June, the third fatality from Palestinian mortar fire from Gaza in a month, as terrorists hit Kibbutz Nir Oz in the western Negev. In response, the Israeli Airforce targeted Palestinian terrorists in Gaza, which tragically claimed the life of a 4 year old Palestinian girl as an airstrike missed its target.

However, in a clear case of chronological inversion, the BBC’s report “Two dead in Gaza-Israel attacks” only mentions as far down as the fourth paragraph that “The attack, which also injured two women, came after Palestinian militants shelled an Israeli kibbutz, killing a civilian and wounding four others.”

Why does the BBC fail to make clear the chronological order of events? Thus, the BBC fails to differentiate between terrorists who initiated the attack with intent to kill civilians and those who responded in self-defense, seeking to protect their civilians.

http://www.honestreporting.com/articles/45884734/critiques/new/
BBC_Reporter_Genuine_Eyewitness_or_Palestinian_Propagandist.asp

** Making of an Unbeliever

http://islam-watch.org/AbulKasem/AK_apostacy.htm

On the Making of an Unbeliever

Abul Kasem 

QUITE OFTEN I RECEIVE E-MAILS asking me why I have so much dislike for religion in general and Islam, my religion at birth, in particular. This question is not easy to answer. A person’s religion is the most sacred, and to some, the most valuable asset one may claim to possess. Wars are waged, genocide perpetrated, friendships broken, love turned into hatred, peace into turmoil, harmony into discord, enlightenment into darkness just because of religious difference. Nothing is more sensitive and dangerous than fomenting the religious feeling of people.  

As demonstrated by many suicide bombers, many believers consider their faith more precious than their own lives. Under such scenarios, it is not so simple for any one to look at his religion of birth critically. Many years, possibly decades of observations, experience, study and contemplation are required to examine one’s so-called religion of birth. 

Below, I have listed a few issues that may make an ardent believer to question his/her ‘religion of birth’, and may eventually turn him into an unbeliever. These listed concerns are not comprehensive. As the current events unfold, there will be many new aspects that may be more critical than what I have mentioned.  

Please spend a little time and ponder on what might turn a believer into an unbeliever. 

Four million diehard devotees (the Biswa Ijtema in Bangladesh) from many Islamic Paradises beseech Allah in three languages (Bengali, Urdu and Arabic) for His blessings. Yet Allah keeps these countries the most corrupt, the least developed, the most crime-infested, utterly terrorised and amongst the poorest in the world. You start doubting if Allah ever understood any of those languages of prayer, especially His own language, that is, Arabic. This epidemic of prayer has been going on for decades, but Allah remains adamant. To the total chagrin of the true believers, Allah continues to bestow prosperity to the infidels. You question the fairness of Allah. 

When the Mullahs are in power in one of the Islamic Paradises (e.g., Bangladesh) a great deluge of flood creates havoc there. The Mullahs term this devastating natural calamity as a test of Iman (faith) from Allah-just like Nuh’s flood. Curiously, when a secular government is elected to power, the same Mullahs call the raging flood a punishment from Allah for the electorate for choosing a secular government. You marvel at the capricious mind of Allah. 

When a 14-year-old boy is mercilessly flogged to death (in Iran) in the month of Ramadan for not fasting strictly to the stringent specifications of the religion you question the very authenticity of Allah’s Scripture on which this punishment is meted out. 

A 16-year-old girl (in Iran) is raped by gangsters but she cannot prove her innocence for lack of resources to hire a competent lawyer. The Mullahs swiftly hang her in public without giving her a right to appeal. Her rapists go scot-free. You tremble in fear as you have a few teen-age daughters. You are frightened to death thinking what might happen to your young daughters if they become victims of similar rape. 

Allah decides to send His soldiers to kindergarten schools to slaughter infidels’ infants (Beslan in Russia). This action of Allah shakes the very foundation of your belief. You assume the savage perpetrators of this infanticide were not true believers. When you consult the Hadis you are profoundly shocked to learn that wanton killing of infidels’ children is religiously sanctioned. You become fearful about the safety of your own child when he/she is enrolled in a childcare/pre-school/kindergarten.  

You remember your past secret love life and suddenly learn from newspaper reports that a hapless widow in an Islamic Paradise is to be stoned to death for merely becoming pregnant and giving birth out of wed-lock to an innocent daughter. You thank yourself that none of those women with whom you had illicit sex became pregnant. You wonder what would have happened if you were caught.  

You sincerely fall in love with an infidel woman but you cannot marry her unless she embraces the ‘religion of tolerance’. You and your lover decide to flee the Islamic Paradise and immigrate to an infidel land just to exercise your fundamental human right.  

You and your wife for 12-years go on a holiday trip to a scenic beach resort (e.g., the state of Trengganu in Malaysia). You lodge in the luxurious beach hotel Club Med. Out of blue; at the dead of night, the religious police heckle you demanding to witness your marriage certificate. Unable to produce the matrimony document, you and your wife have no choice but to be hand-cuffed and immediately whisked by the ‘guardians of Allah’ to be locked up in dingy cells. You and your distraught wife are separated and threatened with lashing until you can prove your Islamic marriage. You desperately fax to your relative to send you the original marriage certificate. Until that arrives you and your dear wife spend a few weeks in tenterhook.  

While all the infidel guests at the resort sleep in peace you suffer this despicable indignation because you have an Islamic (read Arabic) name. After you return to your home of infidels you promise not to set foot in an Islamic Paradise, ever. 

You visit Thailand, the land of smiles. Out of curiosity you visit a massage parlour or a Turkish bath. Inside the dimly-lit premise you spot your bearded but impeccably western-dressed Tabligi friends who were once your university mates. Astounded, you ask them what Tabligi work they are doing in such a sex joint. To your utter surprise your Tabligi friends tell you that Thai massage girls/prostitutes are halal for them. They claim that while they may have wives and children at Dar-ul-Islam (home country of Islam) but since they are in a Dar-ul-Harb (the land of warfare) or the land of infidels, it is alright for them to have sex with Thai women as these sex-kittens are like captives to the Muslims.  

You return home and check the Sharia book (Islamic Law) for their outrageous claim. To your complete disbelief you find that the Sharia fully supports your Tabligi friends’ claims. 

You attend the party of an infidel colleague and drink only orange juice because all other foods ostensibly look haram. But you have no courage to ask your host. When the host enquires if anything is wrong with you, you tell a lie that you have stomach problem, or that you are not hungry. You become ashamed that you have to tell lies because of your faith. 

When you tell your best friend that you like western life-style and enjoy its freedom he cuts you off from the list of his guest. He stops phoning you, and when you enquire about his well-being he says he is busy and has very little time. Religion has now stood between you and your best friend. 

Your infidel neighbour invites you to his Christmas gala party but you pretend to be sick because you know alcoholic drinks will be served. You note that despite being teetotaller throughout their lives most Muslims have very poor health and quite short life-span. You genuinely question why you could not drink a sip or two of haram drink while the infidels can easily indulge in such absolute haram practice, yet they enjoy far superior health than the Muslims. You wonder why the infidels can enjoy wine, beer, whisky, port, Martini, Campari, Cinzano, Remy Martin, VSOP brandy, champagne, shandy but you have to be contented only with Mecca Cola or orange juice! 

Your father threatens to kick you out of his house because you went out dating with boys/girls of the infidels. You wonder why you cannot have an easy mixing with opposite sex. Crossed, you decide to get even with your parents at an appropriate time. 

When your child visits his infidel friend’s house you give your child the strict order not to eat or drink any foodstuff as you suspect that they may not be halal. Your child is simply agitated, sad, confused when he observes that while he has to go hungry, all other children can happily eat the delicious food served. He does not understand why he has to practice such dim-witted food habits.  

When you plan to visit another city/town you desperately seek halal restaurants even though they serve smelly, stale food in very unhygienic premises. You refuse to eat nutritious food served in a superbly hygienic, delightfully pleasant and plush comfortable environment simply because these food outlets are patronised by the haram-eating infidels. You simply cannot find any logic behind this bizarre practice. Nevertheless, you go ahead with the herd of believers as you do not want to lose your standing in the community (Ummah).  Deep inside, you question your faith but are afraid to become an outcast. 

When the Allah’s soldiers (in Iraq) behead the dedicated aid workers, ordinary poor labourers, engineers, doctors and make snuff videos for the Ummah to watch the mercy of ‘religion of compassion’ you have great difficulty explaining this ‘religion of compassion’ to your colleagues. You even try to hide your face when the neighbours learn that you belong to the ‘religion of compassion.’ 

When you are in an infidel land you try to conceal your ‘religion of forgiveness’ by faking an infidel name to a stranger. You try to hide the passport issued by an Islamic Paradise. You show it only to the immigration officials. You wonder why you have to play such a hide-and-seek game. 

Your family hates you for becoming friendly with the infidels. You become very sad, but later, you find out that they are simply following the commands of all Powerful Allah. Consulting the Holy Scripture, you find out that a Muslim son must disown his own parents and vice versa if they or you do not convert to Islam.  

You go to a religious school and find that girls, as little as 6 or 7-years-old are forced to wear ugly Hijab. When the confused innocent little girls ask for the reason of wearing such tormenting apparel, you hear the ‘Hujur’ (religious teacher) says Allah loves those girls who ‘cover’ themselves. He also says that the infidel girls (those who do not wear Hijab) are prostitutes, harlots and characterless. You wonder how come Allah did not cover these little Muslimahs during their birth-why Allah let them be born naked! 

Your child goes to a Madrassah (a theological seminary) to memorise the Holy Scripture. When he returns home he/she complains about the beating he/she received at the hands of the ‘Hujur’. When you confront the ‘Hujur’ for child-abuse he shows you the irrefutable proof that beating a child is allowed as per Hadis. You simply shake your head in disbelief, but the ‘Hujur’ shows you the clear proof from the Holy Scriptures. You truly become dumb-founded. 

As a migrant you sincerely believe that the best way to be the integral part of a society is to mix with the local mainstream people, become friendly with them and learn some of their traditions and customs. When you visit a mosque you hear the Imam warns the congregation not to be friendly with the local infidels. He even exhorts that as a believer you must endeavour to convert the local infidels to adopt your culture and religion. Doubting Imam’s preaching, you check the Holy Scriptures. You are utterly shocked that the Imam is absolutely correct. 

You live in an Islamic Paradise which preaches ‘religious tolerance’, ‘peace’, ‘democracy’, ‘freedom of thought’—When you visit the religious congregation of the infidels to learn about their religion you are arrested, fined or imprisoned (e.g., in .Malaysia) for patronising the enemies of the ‘religion of tolerance’. You question the very Holy words ‘No compulsion in religion.’ 

In an Islamic Paradise you go out dating an infidel girl. While both of you are seated on a wooden bench in the local park, the ‘moral guardians’ of Allah (religious police), checks your I.D., arrests you, fines you and jails you. Your infidel girl-friend goes scot-free. You question how could there be two sets of laws in one country? You decide that this is nothing but religious apartheid.  

In a moderate Muslim Paradise (e.g., Malaysia) you visit a pub or a disco to have a good time with your infidel friends. There, you notice the religious police checking the I.D. of each patron. Wondering how come the ‘religion of tolerance’ would not allow you such a simple pleasure, you sneak out of the haram premise. Meanwhile, your infidel friends had a ‘good time’ in the pub, while you returned home and asked Allah’s forgiveness. 

Your religious-scholar friend tells you that Allah’s ‘only’ religion has lots of goodies for women. When you open the newspaper (in Pakistan) you read, ‘Let these women be warned,’ said a mullah to the dissenting women of Rawalpindi. ‘We will tear them to pieces. We will give them such terrible punishments that no one in future will dare to raise a voice against Islam.’ In desperation you consult the Holy Scriptures and find that the Mullahs are completely correct. You start doubting your friend’s scholarship on the good stuff for women in the ‘religion for women’. 

Even though you are not ethnically an Arab, you must keep an Arabic name, follow Arabic culture; adopt their food, clothing, hygiene and toilet habits; memorise their Holy Scriptures without comprehending a single word of it and prostrate endlessly to their Allah.  

When you go on pilgrimage or when they hire you as slaves to work for them they ridicule you as a ‘miskin’ (indigent). But they treat the white infidel workers with respect and offer them higher pay and more fringe benefits than the black and brown immigrant workers (like you) .Though you are better qualified than many of them (white infidels) your Arab brothers discriminate you against the white infidel workers. As a general rule, you are paid half compared to a white unbeliever.  

Yet, you consider the Arabs superior to you and you imitate their dress and Bedouin habits. Some Islamic Paradises (like Pakistan) even broadcast news in Arabic when not even 0.1% of their population understand the Arabic language. You wonder why a desperately poor country should spend money to Arabise its population?  

When you question your religion you fear for your life. When you make a movie that criticises the religion of ‘peace’ you are beheaded a la Islamic style.  

Those are some of the issues all believers should ponder upon. Thanks to the advent of Internet; it is now possible to publicise those pertinent points. We must welcome well-designed, easily navigable websites that highlight the concerns mentioned above and shake the minds of the believers, compelling them to re-think what they always thought to be the eternal truth.
Abul Kasem writes from Sydney. His e-mail address is abul88@hotmail.com

For Moderate Muslims @ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=avYtAyCxUbA&eurl=http://ibloga.blogspot.com/

Ayaan Hirsi Ali & Islam @ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q6Wrhivp7eQ&mode=related&search=

ISLAM on Minorities @ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6jYUL7eBdHg&feature=related

** Canada’s apology

http://theundercurrent.ca/canada4.htm?id=8522

Canada’s apology and lessons to India

 

Something remarkable is happening in Canada. The government is making a sincere effort to make up for past wrongs. There were three prominent instances recently.

The Chinese Story: Between the 1880s and 1920s, Chinese immigrants to Canada had to pay a special tax of up to $500 just to enter the country. $ 500.00 was a steep amount at that time and it was definitely prohibitive and restrictive. It was designed to keep Chinese immigrants from entering Canada. It was discriminatory as Canada has a white’s only immigration policy at that time. It was called the head tax. It was something similar to the Jizya tax imposed by the Muslim king Aurangzeb on Hindus. When the head tax was repealed in 1923, Chinese immigration to Canada was banned altogether for the next 25 years. But of late Canada has seen the mistake. In a true demonstration of a just society, it offered an apology to the Chinese in 2006 and also paid surviving immigrants and their immediate families $18,000 (£8,850) in compensation.

The Sikh Story: In the year 1914, 376 Sikhs took a ship called Komagata Maru and reached the port of Vancouver city. As Canada had a white’s only immigration policy at that time, they were denied entry. The ship was anchored at the Vancouver port for two months and then turned away. The ship was sent back to Calcutta, where all them were arrested by the Calcutta police owned by the British. Most of them suffered jail terms just for simple reason of having the courage to cross the seas. It was humiliating and we need to acknowledge the forward spirit of the Sikhs who took the first step for their children to lead dignified lives. On June 3rd, 2008 Canada’s British Columbia provincial assembly in Victoria city formally apologized for the Komagata Maru tragedy

 

The apology was received amid shouts of the sacred Sikh chat, “”Bole So Nihal”, The WSO (world Sikh organization of Canada ) welcomed the apology. We don’t know if any kind of compensation was paid.

 

(Incidentally as this is the current flavor, our shrewd movie maker Ms Deepa Mehta has anticipated this and has jumped onto the opportunity and a movie on the Komagata Maru tragedy is on the floors. we presume she is receiving funding from the Canadian government)

 

The Native Indians Story: Between the late 19th century and 1970’s the governments of Canada has a policy of assimilation of native aboriginals (also called as Indians) into mainstream Canadian life. It came into place on the recommendations of the bagot commission in 1844. The primary concern was that the way of life, including culture, practices and living was unique and was not “Christian in nature” It was aimed at integrating native Indians into the mainstream Christian way of life. It was an official policy sponsored by the state.

 

It resulted in forcing about 150,000 aboriginal children to attend state-funded Christian boarding schools. Children were stolen from aboriginal homes and forced to attend boarding schools run by the church. They were made to give up their dress and culture and were prohibited from speaking their native language. Cases of sexual harassment have surfaced though the actual details and numbers are not available. In the 1980’s the church has apologized and most of the schools are shut now after running for over one whole 100 years.

 

Following an apology issued by the Australian government in Feb 2008, for similar assimilation policy in Australia, the Prime Minister of Canada Mr. Stephen Harper made an apology to Native Indians for the sufferings which they were inflicted upon between the years 1872 – 1960.

 

The surviving children of that policy attended the Canadian parliament when the historic apology was made. They were also given a compensation package of 4 billion dollars. It is however acknowledged as an historic apology. But the “damage” has been done. Because the objective has been accomplished, as the assimilation is almost complete today. Let’s see the reasons behind it and the lessons it has for India.

 

<